The American political system is
the field and there is only one way to play the game.
In the American political system,
the two main political parties, Republicans and Democrats, function fairly
similarly.
In the campaign “game,” the three main
goals (no pun intended) are to demonstrate competence, consistency, and adept
communication skills (Wayne). They need to appear to have a competent understanding
of the prominent issues, and more importantly how they intend on fixing or
responding to those issues. Additionally, their stances on these issues must be
constant—in maintaining a loyal constituency, consistency is key. Consistency
breeds trust in an electorate. And, most importantly, candidates need to be
able to communicate these ideas properly and effectively. Wayne explains this
necessity in Is This Any Way To Run A
Democratic Election?: “They [candidates] need to learn about public
concerns and convince voters that they
will address those concerns satisfactorily” (195). In the end, promises,
positions, and priorities= performance; the promises they make, the positions
they take, and the priorities they put at stake end up defining what voters
perceive as potential performance.
These facts of the game do not
change between political parties. Different political parties go about this in
the same way but are simply promoting different ideologies: “Democrats stress
equal opportunities and political liberty, whereas Republicans point to
personal economic initiatives and to law and order within the domestic sphere”
(Wayne 201). The two teams, so to speak, fit within the same framework. They
present different ideas using the same tactics.
I ask, then, what are the
ramifications of these “tactics”? What does the use of “tactics” mean with
regards to the purity of the political system? If politicians use the same
tactics, are they both simply participating in using the media to manipulate
voters into yielding a certain public or electoral response?
It could certainly be assessed that
the similar tactics used by politicians are an indication of a promotion of
manipulation. Politicians know how to get to voters in an attempt to produce a
particular response. However, I do not see this so much as manipulation but
rather as a knowledge and understanding of the political field and of how to
energize and mobilize voters.
For example, politicians take their
opponent’s negative and make it their positive. In Is This Any Way To Run a Democratic Election?, Wayne provides an
example of this: In the 1988 election, presidential candidate Michael Dukakis
was presented as a “knee jerk liberal who released hardened criminals from
jail” (201). In response, the George H.W. Bush campaign then focused on Bush’s
tough approach to criminals, in juxtaposition with Dukakis’s leniency. This
tactic could be assessed as manipulating voters by demonizing one candidate and
idolizing the other.
However, I think tactics like these are not
devious, but rather a vehicle of fostering party-to-party conversation. This
conversation is a device of informing voters on the issue, and providing views
from all differing angles. When a candidate makes their opponent’s negative a
positive, it is possible, if not probable, that they will respond to this by
providing a reason as to why that “positive” perhaps isn’t as positive as it
seems. These divisions reflect differences in ideologies, not an attempt to
control voters. These differences need to be revealed for the political process
to function properly. Conversation is necessary to having a holistic image
presented to the voters. Conversation does not promote polarization. It allows
voters to see all sides. They way candidates converse can reveal a lot about
their competence, consistency and most prominently, their communication skills.
Which, in turn, do end up yielding voter perception of candidates. Wayne, Stephen J. Is This Any Way to Run a Democratic Election? 3rd ed. Washington, D.C.: CQ Press, 2007.
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